Since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power at the
Centre in 2014, it has been trying relentlessly to make inroads into West
Bengal. For years, the state appeared politically impenetrable for BJP despite
its rise across India. The party improved its numbers steadily, but Mamata
Banerjee’s All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) continued to dominate Bengal
politics.
In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, TMC won 29 seats while BJP
managed 12. The contest had been much closer in 2019 when TMC won 22 seats and
BJP won 18. In 2014, TMC had won 34 seats while BJP had managed only 2.
The same pattern existed in Assembly elections too. In
2021, TMC won 213 seats while BJP won 77. In 2016, the tally stood at 211 to 76
in TMC’s favour. And in 2011, BJP had won just 1 seat out of 294.
All of that changed dramatically in 2026. BJP won 207
seats while TMC was reduced to 80.
That is not just a victory. That is a political earthquake.
Why Did TMC Lose And Why Was It Politically Significant?
In my opinion, the single biggest reason many people wanted
TMC to lose in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly election was the unchecked and
undocumented influx of Bangladeshi migrants into the state and the gradual
deterioration of law and order that voters felt had followed over the years.
And let us stop pretending this issue exists only in political speeches. It is
a real issue. No border state can absorb illegal migration indefinitely without
social, economic, demographic and security consequences.
A large section of voters in Bengal increasingly began
feeling that the issue was being deliberately ignored or politically
protected for electoral reasons. The concern was not merely about migration
itself, but about the perception that successive political interests were more
focused on converting undocumented migrants into dependable vote banks rather
than addressing the long-term implications for the state and the country.
Whenever concerns regarding illegal immigration, demographic
changes or border security were raised, discussions were often diverted into
emotional or ideological territory while the actual concerns of ordinary
citizens were dismissed. For
many voters, this gradually became symbolic of a government that appeared
unwilling to acknowledge uncomfortable realities.
Importantly, these anxieties were never viewed as limited
only to West Bengal. Bengal increasingly became both a settlement zone and a
transit corridor. While many undocumented Bangladeshi migrants stayed back in
Bengal because of local political protection and support networks, many also
gradually spread into other states through informal labour networks. Concerns
regarding illegal immigration and demographic changes have repeatedly been
raised in Assam by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, and similar anxieties
exist in Tripura, Meghalaya and Mizoram. Reports and concerns have also emerged
over time from Bihar, Jharkhand, Delhi, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Kerala. For
many voters and BJP supporters, this therefore evolved beyond a state-level
issue and became increasingly viewed as a governance issue, a border-security
issue and ultimately a national issue.
The situation also contributed to growing dissatisfaction
regarding law and order within Bengal itself. There were increasing complaints
of intimidation, cadre dominance, political violence and localized criminal
networks allegedly operating with political protection. Fear slowly became
embedded into Bengal’s political culture, especially during elections and local
political conflicts.
At the same time, many Hindus genuinely began feeling that
their concerns, faith and cultural identity were being pushed into the
background while minority appeasement increasingly became central to TMC’s
politics. Festivals that should have been celebrated openly and proudly started
becoming subjects of restrictions, permissions and political calculations.
Complaints regarding Ram Navami processions, temple-related issues and communal
clashes strengthened the perception among many voters that expressions of Hindu
identity were often treated with visible discomfort by the ruling
establishment. A secular government is expected to treat every community
equally, not selectively appease one while alienating another.
Ironically, despite decades of so-called secular politics,
very little genuine work has been done to improve the educational and economic
condition of ordinary Muslims in India. Many political parties merely reduced
them to dependable vote banks. If Muslims become educated, economically
independent and politically aware, they eventually will begin questioning the very
parties that claim to represent them.
Mamata Banerjee’s political approach over
the years also deepened public frustration. There was a constant tendency to
dismiss criticism as political conspiracy while avoiding genuine engagement
with public concerns. Political violence became increasingly normalised,
women’s safety emerged as a growing concern and many people gradually felt that
the government had stopped listening altogether.
The R. G. Kar Medical College rape and murder case became a
major turning point in that regard. The incident triggered outrage far beyond
party lines and contributed significantly to the decline in support for TMC,
especially among urban voters, women, students and sections of the middle
class. The anger was not merely about one horrific crime. It reflected a
broader frustration with the state of governance, administrative insensitivity
and the perception that accountability had collapsed.
Eventually, accumulated public anger catches up.
By the time
the 2026 election arrived, anti-incumbency had become overwhelming. Fifteen
years is an extremely long period in modern politics, especially when large
sections of society begin feeling unheard, politically intimidated and
disconnected from the ruling establishment. That is why the verdict felt less
like a routine electoral defeat and more like years of accumulated frustration
finally expressing itself democratically.
The election was also politically significant at the
national level. Though regional, TMC had emerged as one of the strongest
opposition parties in India. Even though opposition unity often appears
inconsistent and opportunistic, regional parties collectively can influence
national politics significantly over the long run. Weakening TMC politically
therefore strengthens BJP and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)
nationally.
How Did BJP Win?
The situation in West Bengal had become extremely volatile
over the years. Ever since BJP seriously began expanding in Bengal, there were
repeated reports of attacks on BJP workers and leaders. Several BJP workers
lost their lives in political clashes and violence over the years, and this
created enormous frustration among BJP supporters both inside and outside the
state.
Many BJP supporters across India - including myself -
believed at several points that the situation justified President’s Rule so
that the central government could restore order directly.
But one thing must be acknowledged about BJP.
No matter how frustrated its supporters become or how
aggressively opposition parties behave, BJP generally attempts to pursue its
objectives institutionally and constitutionally.
Whether it was Article 370, citizenship laws or electoral
battles, the party has consistently tried to operate through legal and
procedural frameworks instead of extra-constitutional shortcuts.
So what did the party do?
I had always maintained one thing about West Bengal
elections: if there were genuinely free and fair elections in Bengal where
people could vote without fear, intimidation or pressure, TMC would lose. And
that is perhaps the single biggest reason behind TMC’s defeat in 2026. For the
first time in many years, a large section of voters genuinely felt they could
step out of their homes, walk to polling booths and cast their vote without
fear of local intimidation.
In many parts of Bengal, that itself was the biggest
challenge.
The massive deployment of central forces played a crucial role in creating that confidence. People sitting in television studios can debate politics endlessly, but ground realities are often very different. In several parts of Bengal, political fear had become normalized and violence had become routine. The visible presence of central forces changed that atmosphere to a significant extent and reassured many voters that this time they would not be left completely at the mercy of local muscle power. And once that happened, the results followed.
Secondly, BJP workers, RSS karya kartas and leaders deserve enormous credit
for this victory. What BJP achieved in West Bengal was not
easy. Bengal is not historically a BJP state. Yet, over the years, the
party steadily built grassroots organisation, expanded booth-level presence and
campaigned relentlessly in districts where it was once almost invisible.
For years, BJP workers and RSS volunteers kept working
relentlessly across Bengal despite repeated failures, political violence and
intimidation.
Election after election, they kept trying. Sometimes
they gained a little ground. Sometimes they suffered setbacks. Many
workers were threatened, attacked and in some tragic cases even
killed. Yet the organization continued expanding patiently at the
grassroots level.
In many ways, it reflects the spirit of Rabindranath
Tagore’s timeless words:
“Jodi tor daak shune keu na ashe, tobe ekla cholo re.”
(If nobody responds to your call, then walk alone.)
And eventually, people did respond.
Another thing BJP did intelligently was absorbing local cadres and leaders from other parties - especially those deeply entrenched in Bengal politics but disillusioned with TMC. Politics is not won only through speeches from Delhi. It is won through local networks, local influence and understanding the pulse of specific regions. BJP understood that reality.
Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls also played a part and became a major point of political controversy. TMC alleged that the
process unfairly removed minority and migrant voters from electoral
rolls.
Let me be very clear about my position. Even if illegal
or duplicate voters were removed disproportionately, I DO NOT consider that
problematic. TMC had to be defeated at any cost.
The official objective of SIR was to remove duplicate or
deceased voters, correct electoral rolls and update residency
records. Opposition parties alleged that Muslim-heavy areas were
disproportionately affected. Whether one agrees or disagrees politically,
ensuring accurate electoral rolls is not undemocratic. In fact, it is essential
for democratic legitimacy. Through SIR, election commission ensured that no
bogus vote is cast.
And ultimately, blaming SIR alone for such a massive defeat
sounds more like political excuse-making than serious analysis. A victory
margin of this scale cannot be explained only through voter-roll
revisions. The public mood had clearly shifted.
More Than Just Electoral Mathematics
This victory feels much larger than electoral arithmetic. It feels like the result of years of persistence, organisational expansion and refusal to surrender despite hostility and intimidation. For BJP workers and RSS volunteers who spent years building the party patiently in hostile conditions, this victory represents vindication as much as political success.
After all, Bengal is the land of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose -
a man who believed courage and decisive action matter more than endless
excuses.
“Freedom is not given, it is taken.”
Perhaps Bengal has finally decided to take back something
fundamental. The confidence to vote without fear. The confidence to
speak without intimidation. And the confidence to demand governance over
political violence.
What Do I Expect From BJP?
Now comes the more difficult part. Winning elections is
one thing; delivering meaningful change is another.
The new state government, along with the central government,
now carries enormous responsibility because people have not voted merely for
political change. They have voted with expectations - expectations of better
law and order, safety for women, an end to political intimidation, and
governance that functions without fear or violence.
One of the government’s biggest priorities must be restoring
public confidence in the administration and policing system. Ordinary citizens
should feel that they can live, speak, work, and practice their faith freely
without constantly navigating political pressure, intimidation, or local muscle
power. Bengal’s political culture remained excessively confrontational for
years, and changing that atmosphere must become an immediate priority for the
new government.
At the same time, the government must take border security
and illegal immigration seriously. Illegal migration cannot continue unchecked
indefinitely, especially in a sensitive border state like West Bengal. Borders
require stronger monitoring, and people staying illegally in the country must
be identified and dealt with strictly according to law. To put it clearly, kick them out.
For years, concerns regarding demographic imbalance, border
security, and political appeasement were either ignored or dismissed. The new
government will now be judged on whether it can address these concerns
responsibly and lawfully rather than merely using them as electoral talking
points.
However, governance cannot revolve solely around politics
and identity issues.
Bengal desperately needs economic revival, industrial
growth, administrative stability, and job creation. This is a state with
enormous cultural, intellectual, and economic potential, yet for years
governance remained overshadowed by political conflict and power
struggles.
People now expect the government to move beyond slogans and finally bring stability, development and investment to Bengal.
Victory was the mandate. Governance is the test.
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