Wednesday, May 6, 2026

Bengal 2026: Why BJP’s Victory Was More Than Just an Election Result


There are some elections that merely change governments, and then there are elections that feel like larger political and social shifts. The 2026 West Bengal Assembly election belongs firmly in the second category. This was not just a routine transfer of power. It was the collapse of a political structure that had appeared invincible for over a decade and the rise of a party that, until recently, barely had any meaningful presence in the state.

Since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power at the Centre in 2014, it has been trying relentlessly to make inroads into West Bengal. For years, the state appeared politically impenetrable for BJP despite its rise across India. The party improved its numbers steadily, but Mamata Banerjee’s All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) continued to dominate Bengal politics.

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, TMC won 29 seats while BJP managed 12. The contest had been much closer in 2019 when TMC won 22 seats and BJP won 18. In 2014, TMC had won 34 seats while BJP had managed only 2.

The same pattern existed in Assembly elections too. In 2021, TMC won 213 seats while BJP won 77. In 2016, the tally stood at 211 to 76 in TMC’s favour. And in 2011, BJP had won just 1 seat out of 294. 

All of that changed dramatically in 2026. BJP won 207 seats while TMC was reduced to 80.

That is not just a victory. That is a political earthquake.

Why Did TMC Lose And Why Was It Politically Significant?

In my opinion, the single biggest reason many people wanted TMC to lose in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly election was the unchecked and undocumented influx of Bangladeshi migrants into the state and the gradual deterioration of law and order that voters felt had followed over the years. And let us stop pretending this issue exists only in political speeches. It is a real issue. No border state can absorb illegal migration indefinitely without social, economic, demographic and security consequences.

A large section of voters in Bengal increasingly began feeling that the issue was being deliberately ignored or politically protected for electoral reasons. The concern was not merely about migration itself, but about the perception that successive political interests were more focused on converting undocumented migrants into dependable vote banks rather than addressing the long-term implications for the state and the country.

Whenever concerns regarding illegal immigration, demographic changes or border security were raised, discussions were often diverted into emotional or ideological territory while the actual concerns of ordinary citizens were dismissed. For many voters, this gradually became symbolic of a government that appeared unwilling to acknowledge uncomfortable realities.

Importantly, these anxieties were never viewed as limited only to West Bengal. Bengal increasingly became both a settlement zone and a transit corridor. While many undocumented Bangladeshi migrants stayed back in Bengal because of local political protection and support networks, many also gradually spread into other states through informal labour networks. Concerns regarding illegal immigration and demographic changes have repeatedly been raised in Assam by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, and similar anxieties exist in Tripura, Meghalaya and Mizoram. Reports and concerns have also emerged over time from Bihar, Jharkhand, Delhi, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Kerala. For many voters and BJP supporters, this therefore evolved beyond a state-level issue and became increasingly viewed as a governance issue, a border-security issue and ultimately a national issue.

The situation also contributed to growing dissatisfaction regarding law and order within Bengal itself. There were increasing complaints of intimidation, cadre dominance, political violence and localized criminal networks allegedly operating with political protection. Fear slowly became embedded into Bengal’s political culture, especially during elections and local political conflicts.

At the same time, many Hindus genuinely began feeling that their concerns, faith and cultural identity were being pushed into the background while minority appeasement increasingly became central to TMC’s politics. Festivals that should have been celebrated openly and proudly started becoming subjects of restrictions, permissions and political calculations. Complaints regarding Ram Navami processions, temple-related issues and communal clashes strengthened the perception among many voters that expressions of Hindu identity were often treated with visible discomfort by the ruling establishment. A secular government is expected to treat every community equally, not selectively appease one while alienating another.

Ironically, despite decades of so-called secular politics, very little genuine work has been done to improve the educational and economic condition of ordinary Muslims in India. Many political parties merely reduced them to dependable vote banks. If Muslims become educated, economically independent and politically aware, they eventually will begin questioning the very parties that claim to represent them.

Mamata Banerjee’s political approach over the years also deepened public frustration. There was a constant tendency to dismiss criticism as political conspiracy while avoiding genuine engagement with public concerns. Political violence became increasingly normalised, women’s safety emerged as a growing concern and many people gradually felt that the government had stopped listening altogether.

The R. G. Kar Medical College rape and murder case became a major turning point in that regard. The incident triggered outrage far beyond party lines and contributed significantly to the decline in support for TMC, especially among urban voters, women, students and sections of the middle class. The anger was not merely about one horrific crime. It reflected a broader frustration with the state of governance, administrative insensitivity and the perception that accountability had collapsed.

Eventually, accumulated public anger catches up. 

By the time the 2026 election arrived, anti-incumbency had become overwhelming. Fifteen years is an extremely long period in modern politics, especially when large sections of society begin feeling unheard, politically intimidated and disconnected from the ruling establishment. That is why the verdict felt less like a routine electoral defeat and more like years of accumulated frustration finally expressing itself democratically.

The election was also politically significant at the national level. Though regional, TMC had emerged as one of the strongest opposition parties in India. Even though opposition unity often appears inconsistent and opportunistic, regional parties collectively can influence national politics significantly over the long run. Weakening TMC politically therefore strengthens BJP and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) nationally. 

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How Did BJP Win?

The situation in West Bengal had become extremely volatile over the years. Ever since BJP seriously began expanding in Bengal, there were repeated reports of attacks on BJP workers and leaders. Several BJP workers lost their lives in political clashes and violence over the years, and this created enormous frustration among BJP supporters both inside and outside the state.

Many BJP supporters across India - including myself - believed at several points that the situation justified President’s Rule so that the central government could restore order directly.

But one thing must be acknowledged about BJP.

No matter how frustrated its supporters become or how aggressively opposition parties behave, BJP generally attempts to pursue its objectives institutionally and constitutionally.

Whether it was Article 370, citizenship laws or electoral battles, the party has consistently tried to operate through legal and procedural frameworks instead of extra-constitutional shortcuts.

So what did the party do?

I had always maintained one thing about West Bengal elections: if there were genuinely free and fair elections in Bengal where people could vote without fear, intimidation or pressure, TMC would lose. And that is perhaps the single biggest reason behind TMC’s defeat in 2026. For the first time in many years, a large section of voters genuinely felt they could step out of their homes, walk to polling booths and cast their vote without fear of local intimidation.

In many parts of Bengal, that itself was the biggest challenge.

The massive deployment of central forces played a crucial role in creating that confidence. People sitting in television studios can debate politics endlessly, but ground realities are often very different. In several parts of Bengal, political fear had become normalized and violence had become routine. The visible presence of central forces changed that atmosphere to a significant extent and reassured many voters that this time they would not be left completely at the mercy of local muscle power. And once that happened, the results followed.

Secondly, BJP workers, RSS karya kartas and leaders deserve enormous credit for this victory. What BJP achieved in West Bengal was not easy. Bengal is not historically a BJP state. Yet, over the years, the party steadily built grassroots organisation, expanded booth-level presence and campaigned relentlessly in districts where it was once almost invisible.

For years, BJP workers and RSS volunteers kept working relentlessly across Bengal despite repeated failures, political violence and intimidation.

Election after election, they kept trying. Sometimes they gained a little ground. Sometimes they suffered setbacks. Many workers were threatened, attacked and in some tragic cases even killed. Yet the organization continued expanding patiently at the grassroots level.

In many ways, it reflects the spirit of Rabindranath Tagore’s timeless words:

Jodi tor daak shune keu na ashe, tobe ekla cholo re.

(If nobody responds to your call, then walk alone.)

And eventually, people did respond.

Another thing BJP did intelligently was absorbing local cadres and leaders from other parties - especially those deeply entrenched in Bengal politics but disillusioned with TMC. Politics is not won only through speeches from Delhi. It is won through local networks, local influence and understanding the pulse of specific regions. BJP understood that reality.

Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls also played a part and became a major point of political controversy. TMC alleged that the process unfairly removed minority and migrant voters from electoral rolls. 

Let me be very clear about my position. Even if illegal or duplicate voters were removed disproportionately, I DO NOT consider that problematic. TMC had to be defeated at any cost. 

The official objective of SIR was to remove duplicate or deceased voters, correct electoral rolls and update residency records. Opposition parties alleged that Muslim-heavy areas were disproportionately affected. Whether one agrees or disagrees politically, ensuring accurate electoral rolls is not undemocratic. In fact, it is essential for democratic legitimacy. Through SIR, election commission ensured that no bogus vote is cast.

And ultimately, blaming SIR alone for such a massive defeat sounds more like political excuse-making than serious analysis. A victory margin of this scale cannot be explained only through voter-roll revisions. The public mood had clearly shifted.

More Than Just Electoral Mathematics

This victory feels much larger than electoral arithmetic. It feels like the result of years of persistence, organisational expansion and refusal to surrender despite hostility and intimidation. For BJP workers and RSS volunteers who spent years building the party patiently in hostile conditions, this victory represents vindication as much as political success.

After all, Bengal is the land of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose - a man who believed courage and decisive action matter more than endless excuses.

Freedom is not given, it is taken.

Perhaps Bengal has finally decided to take back something fundamental. The confidence to vote without fear. The confidence to speak without intimidation. And the confidence to demand governance over political violence.

What Do I Expect From BJP?

Now comes the more difficult part. Winning elections is one thing; delivering meaningful change is another.

The new state government, along with the central government, now carries enormous responsibility because people have not voted merely for political change. They have voted with expectations - expectations of better law and order, safety for women, an end to political intimidation, and governance that functions without fear or violence.

One of the government’s biggest priorities must be restoring public confidence in the administration and policing system. Ordinary citizens should feel that they can live, speak, work, and practice their faith freely without constantly navigating political pressure, intimidation, or local muscle power. Bengal’s political culture remained excessively confrontational for years, and changing that atmosphere must become an immediate priority for the new government.

At the same time, the government must take border security and illegal immigration seriously. Illegal migration cannot continue unchecked indefinitely, especially in a sensitive border state like West Bengal. Borders require stronger monitoring, and people staying illegally in the country must be identified and dealt with strictly according to law. To put it clearly, kick them out.

For years, concerns regarding demographic imbalance, border security, and political appeasement were either ignored or dismissed. The new government will now be judged on whether it can address these concerns responsibly and lawfully rather than merely using them as electoral talking points.

However, governance cannot revolve solely around politics and identity issues.

Bengal desperately needs economic revival, industrial growth, administrative stability, and job creation. This is a state with enormous cultural, intellectual, and economic potential, yet for years governance remained overshadowed by political conflict and power struggles.

People now expect the government to move beyond slogans and finally bring stability, development and investment to Bengal.

Victory was the mandate. Governance is the test.

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